Their claims illustrated that the desires and aspirations of self-promotion applied even at the very top of the community and this extended as far as each family refusing to admit that they had any peers in rank, although they would acknowledge those above and below them. The writer of the official report of the census, H A Stuart, acknowledged that some of the recorded subdivisions were in fact merely families and not subcastes,  and Fuller has speculated that the single-member subdivisions were "Nayars satisfying their vanity, I suppose, through the medium of the census. All of these factors were having an impact during the 19th-century and they caused erosion of the social dominance which the Nairs once held, eventually reaching a point some time between World War I and World War II where that dominance was lost,  although there was an attempt to reassert it in Travancore during the s when the Diwan Sir C. He is of the opinion that the system existed principally to facilitate the wedding of Nair women to Nambudiri Brahmins. She considers it possible that they were viewed as phallic symbols. In either case, the ceremonies were conducted by the Maran subgroup of the community and they utilised both elements of superstition and of Hinduism. There might also be other gifts, presented at the time of the main Malayam festivals. However, although she neither mourned the death of her sambandham husband nor became a widow, she did observe certain mourning rituals upon the death of the man who had tied her thali.
The NSS also promoted marriage across the various divisions in a further attempt to promote caste cohesion, although in this instance it met with only limited success. He cannot untie a knot, as he does not possess fingers, though he can open the strongest lock. In the Malabar region, only the eldest male member of a Brahmin family was usually allowed to marry within their caste. According to Panikkar, they believed in spirits such as Pretam , Bhutam and Pisachu. Panikkar , a well-known writer from the Nair community, wrote in that, Authority in the family is wielded by the eldest member, who is called karnavan. The role of the NSS in successfully campaigning for continued changes in practices and legislation relating to marriage and inheritance also played its part. Although information is far from complete, those who tied the thali for girls of the aristocratic Nair families of Cochin in Central Kerala appear to have been usually Samantans, who were of higher rank, or occasionally the Kshatriyas, who were still higher. The higher the rank of that person then the greater the prestige reflected on to the tharavad, and also vice versa  since some people probably would refuse to act as tier in order to disassociate themselves from a group and thereby bolster their claims to be members of a higher group. The women and their husbands did not live together and their relationship had no meaning other than "sexual liaison" and legitimacy for the children. The ceremony took place on a day deemed to be auspicious by priests. Pullapilly has suggested that the Nairs may share a common heritage with the Ezhava caste. A Nair family was considered to be part of the village organisation even if they had moved away from it. All of these factors were having an impact during the 19th-century and they caused erosion of the social dominance which the Nairs once held, eventually reaching a point some time between World War I and World War II where that dominance was lost,  although there was an attempt to reassert it in Travancore during the s when the Diwan Sir C. The wearing of it has been compared to a wedding ring as for most women in south India it denotes that they are married. When it split, the family property was separated along the female lines. From this unsuitable methodology had come the notion that the groups were subcastes rather than subdivisions. He is something like Puck, very much inclined to mischief. This system was designed to protect their traditions of patrilineality and primogeniture. Although Nair families, they generally used the title of Samantan and were treated as vassals. By the matrilineal castes, however, the same unions were regarded as marriage, for they fulfilled the conditions of ordinary Nayar marriage and served to legitimize the child as an acceptable member of his matrilineal lineage and caste. It was not a common practice outside the higher subcaste groups. Nossiter has described its purpose at foundation as being " If the girl should reach puberty before the ceremony took place then she would in theory have been out-caste, although it is probable that this stricture was not in fact observed. Srinivas observed in that, "Varna has been the model to which observed facts have been fitted, and this is true not only of educated Indians, but also of sociologists to some extent. She argues that all European travelogues describing polyandry came from the region of Central Kerala. The thalikettu kalyanam was the ritual during which the thali would be tied on a piece of string around the neck of a Nair girl.
Video about nair girls:
SFA Mumbai 2015
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